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Qantara - Treasures
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Qantara Qantara

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Treasures

In Byzantium

The concentration of economic capital, the metal provided by the abundant metalliferous resources, the huge imperial demand, and the need for endowments for private religious foundations (which grew considerably during the Meso-Byzantine period) are all factors which stimulated the development of a luxury craft industry in Constantinople. The examples that have survived to the present day represent only a fraction of the original production. Nothing remains of the imperial treasure—it is only briefly referred to in literary sources—, which was kept in various parts of the Great Palace, chiefly in the Treasury (Phylax). So, the term Byzantine treasure essentially refers to treasure from churches and monasteries. These were kept in a safe place in the skeuophylakeion, and recorded in inventories that were regularly updated[1]. The inventory from Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, drawn up in 1396, lists no less than 180 objects and luxury textiles, adorned with pearls and precious stones[2]. Other evidence of monastic possessions, which were relatively extensive in the monasteries on Mount Athos, comes from donations, testaments and, less frequently, acquisitions.

Holy precious vases were as important as relics in contributing to the prestige of the churches and monasteries, and were a reflection of their growing importance. The accumulation of treasures is also evidence of a practice of hoarding. During periods of economic hardship, the only metal available for minting coins was the metal that could be obtained from melting objects collected from church treasures. The emperors were forced to take such measures on many occasions during the course of Byzantine history. Emperors such as Heraclius (reigned 610–641), Alexios I Komnenos (reigned 1081–1118), and Isaac II Angelos (reigned 1185–1195 and 1203–1204) made requests for church treasure and melted liturgical objects. Constantine set a precedent for this practice when he confiscated the treasures amassed in the pagan temples[3]. The relinquishment of possessions and holy objects was subject to canonical restrictions. But things were often very different in practice. When financial needs obliged them to do so, the monks could sell ecclesiastical objects. During the late Byzantine period, there were even sales of imperial relics and reliquaries[4]. Lastly, thefts of precious materials taken from liturgical objects were also perpetrated by the priests and monks[5].

The treasures in Anthonite monasteries and other large orthodox monasteries, such as that of St Catherine at Mount Sinai and St John on the island of Patmos, were amassed over time through successive donations. It is therefore difficult to retrace the history of an object or relic[6]. It is very often the case that an object listed in an inventory was later mounted. But, in most cases, these objects have disappeared. The history of those that were preserved was sometimes recorded in inventories or a dedicatory inscription, and others have legends attached to them that cannot be verified. For example, the precious jasper chalice from the Monastery of Vatopedi (Mount Athos, Greece), mounted on a Gothic-inspired mounting—a masterpiece of Palaeologan art—has four monograms attributing it to the despot of Mistra (Peloponnese), Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaeologus (reigned 1349–1380). A chalice and paten decorated with translucent basse taille enamelwork, also originating from this monastery’s treasure, carries a dedication to Thomas II Preljubovi?, the despot of Ioannina (reigned 1367–1384)[7].

Other evidence of treasure from Byzantine churches comes from objects that were brought back to the West by the Crusaders. The holy vases and other works had both material and sacred value as relics[8]. Examples include the famous enamel chalices from the treasure of Saint Mark's Basilica in Venice, which carries a dedication to Emperor Romanos, and the original part of the Pala d’Oro, which is said to originate from the Monastery of Pantocrator in Constantinople. Reliquaries were the first precious objects to come to the West[9] from Byzantium. After the conquest and sacking of Constantinople, the Doge Enrico Dandolo sent the relic of the Precious Blood, the True-Cross reliquary, the head of St John the Baptist, and St George’s arm to Venice. These were to constitute the main part of the treasure—a close link can be seen between its sacred and material value[10]. Faced with a pressing need for money, Baldwin II, the Latin Emperor of Constantinople, was forced to pawn the most precious relic of the Passion—the Crown of Thorns—to Nicolas Quirino, a Venetian merchant. So, before joining the considerably large collection of important Christian relics acquired by Louis II, the Crown of Thorns was first taken to Venice. When it arrived in Paris, it was in a container of pure gold. Shortly after their arrival in Paris, the Crown, the True Cross, the Holy Lance, and almost all the Constantinopolitan relics were transferred to a new set of reliquaries before being placed in the Grande Châsse, the reliquary which had been made to house them in the Sainte-Chapelle. Of the relics that had conserved their original reliquary, only the two silver gilt fragments from the Reliquary of the Stone of the Holy Sepulchre have survived. This is now kept in the Louvre [fig. 1][11].

B. P.

In Islam

The definition of the term ‘treasure’ varies significantly according to the place and epoch. Depending on the context, it can be something rare, exotic, or wondrous in the ancient sense of mirabilia[12] and the works kept in the closets of rarities; the term can refer to an object, an animal, and even an individual[13].

This article is primarily concerned with objects. The use of the term ‘treasure’ often depends on the value placed on the object by the possessor. Examples are feathers from exotic birds that are difficult to hunt in the Amazonian forest, and the cocoa beans that the Maya Indians used as money. The material from which the object is made isn’t the only determining factor—the object’s facture, ornamentation, symbolic value, and magical powers are also important factors. Exotic objects and animals, and slaves captured in the far reaches of the Empire were exhibited as treasure in the Roman parades held to celebrate the return of a victorious leader from a military campaign.

The European world took a very early interest in works from Africa and the East, according to certain criteria, which weren’t always present in any one object: the nature of the material, the object’s artistic value and value as a piece of craftsmanship, or a valuable work. Since the beginning of time, precious stones, rock crystal, ivory, and gold and silver have been considered as having an intrinsic value. At the end of the High Middle Ages, the first objects to be considered as ‘treasures’ were the ninth-century bronzes: one-handled pots and tripod candlesticks inspired by a silver prototype, which originated in Syria and Iran, examples of which are found in Spain, Sicily, and even southern Germany. In Spain, for example, two tripod candlesticks surmounted by a high spike, on which was fitted an oil lamp [14], are similar to candlesticks found in archaeological digs in Damascus, Lampsacus, and Ḥamāh (currently conserved in the United States), and certain bronze examples found on various Egyptian sites.

Conversely, historical sources mention Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr’s discovery of the famous ‘Table of Solomon’—which he sent to the Near East—during the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula. This was a common practice during the early part of the Muslim expansion: prestigious objects taken from a newly conquered city—symbols of an Arab victory[15]—were sent to Mecca or to a caliph’s treasury. Depending on historical or other circumstances, pieces of treasure didn’t always reach the consignees, and even changed hands. This explains why many particularly lavish works from the East, intended for the court of the Umayyad caliphs or the Muslim princes of al-Andalus, were later found in the treasuries of European churches. Examples are works in rock crystal—Fatimid Egypt was famous for making these prestigious works from the end of the tenth century to the middle of the eleventh—, later found in the Iberian Peninsula, such as the chess pieces from Les Avellanes in Catalonia and Lugo[16]; in France, where abbot Suger offered a splendid ewer [17] to the abbey of Saint-Denis; and in Germany and Italy, particularly in Venice, where alongside glass objects are several pieces of various forms, very often lavishly rafited by Western goldsmiths[18].

Certain pieces of treasure, hidden in secret places by their owners, who were convinced that they’d be able to recuperate them after wars or political upheavals, were later found as  chance discoveries. Examples are the items of treasure found in Charilla and Lorea, comprising gold and silver jewellery, which had probably been hidden during the fitnah in the eleventh century in Spain[19], and the treasure found in Caesarea (tenth to eleventh century) in Palestine[20].

Again in the Iberian Peninsula, it’s relevant to mention another particularly precious material that was as highly prized as rock crystal—elephant ivory. Caliph ‘Abd al-Rahmān III’s conciliatory policy towards Morocco favoured renewed contact with Africa and secured supplies of ivory, which had for many centuries ceased in Spain. Ivory workers in the royal workshops of Córdoba and Madīnat al-Zahrā’ produced magnificent caskets with flat or conical covers and pyxides, with deeply carved vegetal, animal, and figurative decorations for the caliph and his family, and later for the Marinids. In addition to inscriptions expressing good wishes, almost all of them bear the name of the person to whom the pyxis is dedicated, and sometimes the name of the artist and a date[21] on a band running round the base of the cover. After the fall of the caliphate, certain ivory-workers continued their craft—but in a different style—in Cuenca, which was dependent on the Taifa of Toledo. Most of these objects are currently held in the museums and treasuries of abbeys and churches, and some of them have even been restored with enamelled plaques [22]. The craft of working in ivory reached Sicily, where there were carved objects, such as oliphants, and many caskets with painted decorations, and caskets ornamented with intarsia work (twelfth to thirteenth century). Certain works from the Nasrid era in Granada, particularly caskets that are entirely pierced, are similar to those produced during the Mamluk period in Egypt.

Curiously, ivory works from the Fatimid period, which are actually quite magnificent, are not found in treasure collections. This may be because the decoration on these plaques is essentially royal in nature, and they were probably used to ornament furniture, caskets, and the large wooden doors of mosques and Coptic monasteries, and not caskets for religious use.

In the West and East, textiles were highly prized by treasure owners. Immediately after their conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, the Arabs introduced—amongst many other things—sericulture. Workshops producing figured silks developed very quickly; they continued even after the Christian reconquest and very quickly gained renown beyond the Peninsula. In the tenth century, the Popes’ inventories mention the importation of silks from al-Andalus. The importance of this local silk industry no doubt explains the relative absence of silks imported from the East, with the possible exception of the Persian silk in the catedral de El Burgo de Osma (Cathedral of Burgo de Osma, Spain). However, the tapestry technique—a speciality of the Egyptian Copts—reached al-Andalus, despite the rivalry between the Umayyads of Spain and the Fatimids. This is attested by several pieces of fine tapestry woven in polychrome silk and gold thread: examples include tapestries decorated with areas containing peacocks[23], the tiraz of Hisham II[24], and that of San Esteban de Gormaz. Produced in the caliphate tiraz workshop of Córdoba, the magnificent Oña textile passed into the hands of the Christians in the middle of the tenth century; and the large midnight-blue silk embroidered with medallions containing cavaliers, sphinxes, and eagles—probably produced for al-Mansur—is now in the treasury of Autun Cathedral under the name Shroud of Saint Lazarus of Autun[25]. Splendid works (twelfth to thirteenth century)—distant copies of Persian silks often decorated in a monumental fashion, such as the ‘Cope of King Robert[26] in the treasury of the Basilica of St Sernin in Toulouse—also passed into Christian hands. Other examples are various types of textiles that sometimes bear Arabic inscriptions, into which are integrated the names of Spanish Christian princes.

In the twelfth century, al-Andalus began to export locally produced objects—silks from Almería, ceramics produced using the cuerda seca method, and especially, the famous lustred ceramics from Malaga, which are found as far afield as Iraq—to Mediterranean countries and even countries in northern Europe. Lustred ceramics produced in Manises (near Valencia) by Muslim craftsmen, who worked under Christian rule during and after the thirteenth century, rivalled ceramics from Malaga and are found in all the Mediterranean countries, and even those bordering the Black Sea, as attested by the recent discoveries in the Crimea and Baghdad, where they were considered as ‘exotic’ treasures.

Lastly, other examples are the treasures of the East, which are relatively well documented[27]: the treasure of the caliph of Baghdad, which, according to records, greatly impressed the Byzantine ambassadors sent by the emperor in 917; the treasure of the Fatimids, which was dispersed in 1056 because of the country’s disastrous economic situation, and their wonderful library, destroyed by a fire in 1171; and, of course, the immense and very varied treasure of the Ottomans, which in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was kept in various parts of the Topkapi Palace [28] in Istanbul.

J. Z.-S.

 

In Western Europe

The accumulation of precious objects (or those considered as such) by people who had a high social standing was—and is—a widespread phenomenon in all civilizations. It is sometimes difficult to identify the precise nature of these collections. However, we get a better idea thanks to funereal customs involving the total or partial burial of these riches alongside the body of their owner, or, when inventories that were drawn up for various reasons provide us with a list—and occasionally even a description, if it involved an important person—of the objects that these treasuries comprised.  

The ornaments discovered in the tomb of Childeric, king of the Franks (AD 481), in 1654, give us a good idea of the treasury of a barbarian king, even if, as seems likely, only a small portion of the precious objects he owned were placed in his tomb. There is, unfortunately, no equivalent find that can enlighten us about the treasuries of the kingdoms that resulted from the Invasions and were established in regions around the Mediterranean (the Vandals, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians, and Lombards). Some objects have been identified as belonging to royal sepulchres (for example, the so-called ‘Theodoric breastplate’, which is, in fact, a fragment of a very richly decorated nose plate for a horse). But from the seventh century onwards, ‘sepulchre dressing’ rites gradually died out, no doubt under the influence of Christianity (the soul of the dead person no longer needed the objects used in life, nor prophylactic ornaments for survival in the after life), so what we can learn from funerary archaeology becomes increasingly rare and uncertain. It is to written sources, mainly narrative ones—exceptionally legal sources (several wills exist that mention precious objects)—that we have to turn to get an idea of the nature and the importance of royal, or even secular treasuries, during the High Middle Ages. The study of several antique objects, mainly gems or ivories, highlights however that at the very least, the barbarian kings recuperated the remains of aristocratic collections that had been established in late antiquity. It is, however, unclear whether these treasuries contained a great number of items: the Carolingian texts seem to suggest that it was only after the capture of the ‘Ring’ of the Avars, in AD 799, that Charlemagne finally possessed a large treasury.

Indeed, it was important for a prince, and even more so for a king, to establish a treasury, for two reasons: it was both a sign of prestige and a financial reservoir. The royal regalia (crown and sceptre) necessarily contained precious materials, or at least they had to appear to do so. But the objects surrounding the king and displayed on certain solemn occasions, conveyed his power and wealth; they could also act as a guarantee for a loan, be used for political or diplomatic gifts, or be included in a dowry, and consequently become part of someone else’s treasury. Therefore, when (the Byzantine) princess Theophano married Emperor Otto II, in 973, a number of precious objects from the Imperial Byzantine treasury were transferred to that of the Ottonian Emperors. But, in times of need (e.g. wars or payment of a ransom) the valuable objects could always be taken apart and the precious metals they contained could then be minted. A good demonstration of the utilitarian aspects of royal treasuries can be seen in the approach of Louis d'Anjou (1339–1384), who melted down some of his treasury and the gold and enamel tables that the master goldsmith, Guzmin, had just made for him, to finance his Italian strategy and his attempts to conquer the Kingdom of Naples.

However, it was precisely during the fourteenth century (even if the phenomenon probably occurred earlier)—and we know this because of the information contained in the inventories of Charles V, king of France and his brothers Louis d'Anjou and Jean de Berry)—that ‘princely treasuries’ became collections in the modern sense of the term. Alongside works that were specifically created for their owner or that were offered to them, these inventories reveal that the treasuries contained both ancient objects, such as antique cameos, which were always admired, and inherited objects, or more often those that were bought after the death of certain important people in the royal family, whose coats of arms they bore. Although these items had been created several decades earlier, and might, therefore, have appeared ‘unfashionable’, their presence in these treasuries, and especially that of Charles V, shows that these ‘historical’ pieces attracted interest and admiration for their beauty. Charles V and Jean de Berry had their ‘suppliers’, who offered them, in particular, antique and Byzantine gems. It is also noteworthy that these princes were also passionate connoisseurs of illuminated manuscripts, some of which were several centuries old. Of course, these incredible collections of luxurious objects didn’t survive the troubled times at the end of the One Hundred Years’ War, and only the descriptions (which are fortunately very detailed) contained in the inventories give us an idea of what they looked like. 

During the fifteenth century, the idea of a ‘princely collection’ seemed to overtake that of the ‘princely treasury’. In the light of this change, the collection constituted in Florence by Laurenzo the Magnificent (1448–1492) is very significant: while it contains many precious materials, it is important to note that the objects was clearly chosen according to aesthetic considerations and not because of their financial worth. Metallic objects, including bronzes, and even tapestries if they contained gold thread, always ran the risk of being extracted from the princely treasury to be melted down. But, mentalities changed, as attested by the collection of works that couldn’t be melted down, such as marbles, ivories, gems, ‘rarities’ from far-flung lands, paintings, and drawings. However, even though the prince’s prestige was related to the possession of artistic masterpieces, he still required those indispensable metals for minting coins.

Ecclesiastical treasuries were only used as a financial reserve in situations of dire need: famines, despoilment by the temporal powers, and sums required to lift a siege or to free prisoners. The origin of these Church treasuries was twofold: firstly, in the Christian liturgy, religious practice required a minimum of equipment: a chalice with a gold-plated cup, an unalterable metal than couldn’t soil Christ’s blood, a paten, and vases for wine and water. In addition, even if it wasn’t obligatory, religious books could also be covered in precious bindings. Secondly, after the ‘Peace of the Church’ (AD 313), the divine cult became increasingly sumptuous, matching the scale of certain contemporary architectural constructions: celebrations were longer, liturgical music developed, and decorations were more luxurious (permanent or ephemeral), as were the objects used. The ‘treasury of Monza’, which was enriched with the gifts of queen Theodelind (AD 628), gives us an idea of the richness of the objects assembled in the great sanctuaries, and sometimes make it easier to understand the references in the Liber pontificalis, which provides much information on the treasuries of the Roman basilicas in the High Middle Ages. Offering precious objects to a church was considered a praiseworthy and salutary act to God, and touching these treasures was considered a particularly heinous crime. Donor generosity did not stop at objects that were strictly essential for religious purposes, as mentioned above; it could also extend to lighting (chandeliers and ‘crowns of light’), altar decorations (cloths, the use of rare materials like marble, and precious metallic coverings), and the altar’s immediate surroundings (hangings and ‘images’). Particularly noteworthy are the votive crowns suspended in the sanctuary: amongst those discovered at Guarrazar, not far from Toledo, one bore—in the form of letters suspended as pendants—an inscription in the name of the Visigoth king Recceswinth (AD 672) and provides important information about the history of goldsmithing and the study of contemporary religious practices. During the Middle Ages, the desire to use only the finest liturgical vases and to adorn the altar for the Mass was practised by many prelates, bishops, and abbots. According to the formula of the abbot Suger (1082–1152), who had enriched the Treasury of his abbey, St-Denis, with wonderful objects, visible things can lead the soul to invisible realities.

Aside from this liturgical and devotional role, church treasuries fulfilled another role, which was related to the cult of the relics. Unlike the practices of eastern Christianity, the Latin Church refused the dismemberment of the ‘holy bodies’ for a long time. The relics that spread in the West were therefore ‘indirect’: fragments of cloth that had been in direct contact with the martyrs, oil from lamps lit before these tombs, or in the important sanctuaries of the Holy Land. Whatever their nature, they needed to be conserved and protected as relics. This is the origin behind the many small boxes, coffers (capsella), vases, and eulogies, of which there are examples in the Treasuries of Monza and Bobbio that go back to the seventh century. With the numerous translations of the ‘holy bodies’ that mark the Carolingian era and the practice (which was finally permitted) of dismemberment of the former, reliquaries became more widespread, with varying sizes and appearances. They were either displayed permanently on altars, or hidden from view in veritable safes (for example, in the crypt of St-Aignan in Orleans) and only presented for the devotion of worshippers on rare occasions (Fr. ostensions, or exhibition of the relics). In each case, relics, and hence reliquaries, became objects of pilgrimages. At the end of the Middle Ages, church treasuries were often essentially treasuries of relics, and therefore reliquaries, and the devotion of rich worshippers was dedicated either to enriching existing reliquaries or creating new ones. The first Crusades, and then the capture of Constantinople in 1204, produced an influx of numerous eastern relics that were integrated into the reliquaries by incorporating all or part of the ancient Byzantine reliquaries. The Treasury of St-Mark’s, in Venice, is incontestably the one that contains the greatest number of objects from the sack of Constantinople, but is also as rich in liturgical vases and in gold-worked icons as in reliquaries. The excesses engendered by the cult of these relics, whose status was mythical or imaginary, played a major part in the rise of the Protestant Reform, which resulted in the systematic destruction of many ecclesiastical treasuries (including, during the sack of Rome in 1527, a good many of the Roman basilicas); in many cases, greed was exacerbated by the hostility felt towards the relics and liturgical excesses.

It would be wrong, however, to believe that ecclesiastical treasuries only contained objects made from precious materials: pure gold was rare in these treasuries, and even when texts refer to its use it was often, in reality, gold-plated silver; precious stones (in the modern sense of the term) were also less common than fine stones and imitations. The care with which these objects were made meant that their artistic value often superseded their intrinsic value; from the twelfth century, the development of various techniques of enamelled copper enabled many churches or monasteries to assemble quite remarkable collections, whether for altar decorations, or for protecting the relics for the celebration of the cult. The southern workshops, and particularly those of Limoges, were able to furnish reliquaries (large and small), processional crosses, bookbinding boards, ‘Eucharistic doves’, and pyxides for the conservation of the holy substances, chandeliers, and liturgical regalia (crosses and cope morses).

But, it would be equally wrong to contrast ‘the princely treasuries’ with ‘church treasuries’. From the High Middle Ages, ‘pagan’ objects served the needs of the Christian cult: the most striking example of this trend can be observed with the ivory consular diptychs, used to draw up the lists of names that the priest recited during the commemoration of the dead and converted later into bookbinding boards. Gems, with mythological decorations, like the ‘Cup of the Ptolemies’ in the Treasury of St-Denis, were also used as liturgical vases. But, the princes also conserved a large number of reliquaries, either to satisfy their needs for private devotion, or because the relics provided an honourable pretext for producing artistically refined, precious objects, and which were not much different in quantity and function, from the secular ‘jewels’. Some treasuries are difficult to categorize:  the Treasury of Boniface VIII (pope from 1294 to 1303) was rich in liturgical ornaments and very fine silverware that was not necessarily confined to religious purposes; that of Paul II (pope from 1464 to 1471), who was more of a humanist than man of the cloth, and had a predilection for collecting antique cameos and medals. And, many objects from the laicity were donated to church treasuries; holy images, reliquaries, and also secular objects that were offered to God (like the ‘Eleanor’ vase in the Treasury of St-Denis), the Virgin, or the saints. Examples of these can be seen on the reliquary statue of Saint Foy in the Treasury of Conques—several jewels (and in particular earrings), which were offerings made to the holy martyr—and in Lucca, a very luxurious gold-worked belt was placed (in the fourteenth century) on the body of St Zita; this is how the church treasuries managed to preserve certain types of ornaments that never had a religious character. The sheer range of objects used for containing relics is truly astonishing and, apart from the reliquaries and other containers that were specially made for this purpose, all sorts of coffers exist (in particular, ivory coffers that were probably made in Sicily, originally for ‘civil’ use (judging by their painted decorations), vases (including Fatimid crystals), antique gems, and even, like in the Treasury of Angers, an ivory horn. The most emblematic case is probably that of a coffer held in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Vannes, which is sometimes called the ‘marriage coffer’. Decorated with paintings of very secular subjects, it was probably produced in Catalonia at the end of twelfth century and converted into a shrine at an unknown date before the seventeenth century. The inventories of certain ancient church treasuries would suggest that they included objects with no religious meaning, but which were beautiful and rare or even simply unusual. This trend led to the ‘cabinets of curiosities’ that became widespread during the Renaissance.

J.-M. G.

NOTE


[1] K. Smyrlis, La Fortune des grands monastères byzantins (fin du Xe-milieu du XIVe siècle), Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance (history and civilization of Byzantium research centre), Monographies 21, Paris, 2006, pp. 99–104

[2] P. Hetherington, ‘Byzantine and Russian Enamels in the Treasury of Hagia Sophia in the Late 14th Century’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 93, 2000, pp. 133–137

[3] M. F. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300-1450, Cambridge, 1985, pp. 228–232; A. Glabinas, He epi Alexiou Komnenou (1081-1118) peri hieron skeuon, keimelion kai hagion eikonon eris, Thessalonica, 1972 

[4] P. Hetherington, ‘A Purchase of Byzantine Relics and Reliquaries in Fourteenth-Century Venice’, Arte Veneta 37, 1983, pp. 9–30

[5] N. Oikonomides, ‘The Holy Icon as an Asset’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 45, 1991, pp. 35–44

[6] Patmos. Les trésors du monastère, ed. A. D. Kominis, Athens, 1988; Sinai. Treasures of the Monastery, ed. K. A. Manafis, Athens, 1990; Treasures of Mount Athos, ed. A. A. Karakatsanis, exhibition catalogue, Thessalonica, 1997

[7] J. Durand, ‘Innovations gothiques dans l’orfèvrerie byzantine sous les Paléologues’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58, 2004, pp. 338–341

[8] Il Tesoro di San Marco. Il Tesoro e il Museo, under the direction of H.R. Hahnloser, Florence, 1971; Le trésor de Saint-Marc de Venise, exhibition catalogue, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, Milan, 1984

[9] H. A. Klein, ‘Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58, 2004, pp. 283–314; id., Die Heiltümer von Venedig – Die ‘Byzantinischen’ Reliquien der Stadt, dans Quarta Crociata. Venezia, Bisanzio, Imperio latino, Vol. II, under the direction of G. Ortalli, G. Ravegnani, and P. Schreiner, Venice, 2006, 789–812

[10] R. Cassanelli, ‘Pillage d’objets d’art : le trésor de la basilique Saint-Marc, de Byzance à Venise’, in La Méditerranée des Croisades, under the direction of R. Cassanelli, Milan and Paris, 2000, pp. 219–235

[11] Le trésor de la Sainte-Chapelle, exhibition catalogue, Louvre Museum, ed. J. Durand, Paris, 2001

[12] A genre of literature devoted to wonders and miracles existed in the East from the beginning of the ninth century; it was primarily comprised of accounts of fabulous stories, which told of strange creatures seen by traders and sailors who travelled to China and south-east Asia. In the twelfth century, cosmographers contributed to the extensive development of this literary genre. The most well-known cosmographer is Zakariya ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud Abu Yahya al-Qazwini (c.1203–1283), a scholar of Arabic origin who lived in Qazwin (Iran). His work Aja'ib al-Makhluqat (The Wonders of Creation), of which many illustrated versions have been produced until quite recently, has served as an inspiration for the ornamentation of objects, such as ceramics. Cf. exhibition catalogue, L’étrange et le merveilleux en terre d’Islam, Paris, 2001, pp. 34–63.

[13] Even today, prominent people—certain actors, for example—are given the title of ‘national treasure’ in Japan.

[14] The Toledo Museum of Art and the Instituto Valencia de Don Juan.

[15] The first illustration of this tradition is symbolically represented by the mosaic decoration with a gold background on the first drum of the first ‘walkway’ in the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem (691): the various types of jewellery that stand out in mother-of-pearl mosaic within vegetal decorations are in fact jewels brought back by sovereigns from conquered lands.

[16] See also those of the Museum of Lleida (Dioceva i Comarcal, inv. 1473).

[17] Department of Decorative Arts, Louvre Museum, Paris.

[18] Cf. exhibition catalogue Le trésor de Saint-Marc de Venise, Paris, 1984, pp. 207–225.

[19] For example: the girdle or diadem from the treasure hoard of Charilla (tenth century), the Museo de Jaén, inv. 2789; earring, beginning of the eleventh century, Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1447-1870, 1447a-1870; many different pieces, end of the tenth century to the beginning of the eleventh, The Walkers Art Gallery, Baltimore, 57.1596, cf. exhibition catalogue Al-Andalus, New York, 1992, pp. 220–223.

[20] Discovered in 1963. The ceramic jar containing the treasure was probably buried when the city was attacked by the Crusaders in 1101, The Israel Antiquities Authority, nos. 60-834 to 60-859.

[21] Cf. the very impressive and learned work by E. Kühnel, Die islamichen Elfenbeiskulpturen, VIII–XIII, Jahrundert, Berlin, 1971.

[22] For example, the casket made by Muhammad ibn Zayan in Cuenca in 1026, which originates from the Abbey of Santo Domingo de Silos. The gilded copper plaques decorated with champlevé enamel were made between 1140 and 1150 (Museo de Burgos, inv. 198).

[23] Instituto Valencia de Don Juan, Madrid, 2071. Cf. Al-Andalus, 1992, op. cit., pp. 224–225.

[24] 976–1013. The Real Academia de la Historia Madrid, 292. Cf. Al-Andalus, 1992, op. cit., pp. 225–226.

[25] The treasury of Autun Cathedral, 2 small pieces are conserved in the Musée historique des Tissus de Lyon, inv. 27.600, and in the Musée national du Moyen Age, Paris, CLd1865.

[26] Chasuble, first half of the twelfth century, the Basilica of St. Sernin, Toulouse, cf. Al-Andalus, 1992, op. cit., pp. 318–319.

[27] Book of Gifts and Rarities (Kitab al-Hadaya wa al-Tuhaf), translated and annotated by Ghada al-Hijjawi al-Qaddumi, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

[28] For example, ‘Le Trésor’, Marthe Bernus Taylor, in exhibition catalogue Topkapi à Versailles, Versailles, 1999, pp. 266–273.



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